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Economics of marriage : ウィキペディア英語版
Economics of marriage
The economics of marriage includes the economic analysis of household formation and break up, of production and distribution decisions within the household. It is closely related to the law and economics of marriages and households. Grossbard-Shechtman (1999a and 1999b) identifies three approaches to the subject: the Marxist approach (Friedrich Engels (1884) and Himmelweit and Mohun (1977)), the neo-classical approach (Gary Becker (1974)) and the game theoretic approaches (Marilyn Manser, Murray Brown, Marjorie McElroy and Mary Jane Horney).〔Grossbard-Shechtman, Shoshana (1999)a "Marriage" in Encyclopedia of Political Economy, edited by Phillip O'Hara. London: Routledge〕〔Grossbard-Shechtman, Shoshana (1999)b "Marriage, Theories of," in ''Elgar Companion to Feminist Economics'', edited by Meg Lewis and Janice Peterson. Aldershot, U.K.: Edward Elgar〕 Marital status has a positive influence on economic status. There is a marriage prime for males that the wage of married males is 15% higher than the wage of never married male. The Uniform Marital Property Act issued clause on the distribution of marital property and individual property. The Uniform Premarital Agreements Act offers clauses to guide two spouses to make an agreement on distribution of rights and obligations before marriage.
==Economic origins of marriage==

Richard Wrangham puts forward the view that women cooking for men is fundamental to marriage in hunter-gatherer societies.

Many such examples suggest that the mating system is constrained by the way species are socially adapted to their food supply. ... The consequence of man's economic dependence takes different forms in different societies, but recall that according to Jane Collier and Michelle Rosaldo, his needing a wife to provide food is universal among hunter-gatherers. Food, it seems, routinely drives a man's marriage decision more than the need for a sexual partner.

This extends to men stealing women.

Among the Inuit, where a woman contributed no food calories, her cooking and production of warm, dry hunting clothes were vital: a man cannot both hunt and cook. The pressure could drive widowers or bachelors to neighboring territories in an attempt to steal a woman, even if it meant killing her husband. The problem was so pervasive that ... unfamiliar men would normally be killed even before questions were asked. Lust was not the motivation for stealing wives. "The vital importance of a wife to perform domestic services provided the most usual motive for abduction," according to ethnographer David Riches.

Jeremy Greenwood and Nezih Guner (2009) argue that technological progress in the household sector, say due to the advent of dishwashers, frozen foods, vacuum cleaners, washing machines, tupperware, etc. has reduced the need for labor in the home. As a result, it is much easier to live alone. This has resulted in a smaller fraction of the population being married and a higher rate of divorce.〔Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner (2009), "Marriage and Divorce since World War II: Analyzing the Role of Technological Progress on the Formation of Households," ''NBER Macroeconomics Annual 2008'', v. 23 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 231-276.〕

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